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Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy Put to Test Over Decision on Arms Sales

2 November 2015
BY SOFIA TUVESTAD, WILPF SWEDEN

Sweden’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Margot Wallström, declared on her first day in office that Sweden would pursue a feminist foreign policy. The policy is shaped around strengthening respect for women’s human rights, increasing women’s political representation, and ensuring a gender perspective is applied in the distribution of resources. A couple of high-level initiatives have been announced, including the creation of a network of women mediators as well as Sweden’s coming leadership for the Call to Action on Protection from Gender Based Violence.

Margot Wallstrom, United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual, Violence in Conflict speaks during the press conference. UN Photo / Jean-Marc Ferré
On her first day in office, Margot Wallström, Sweden’s Foreign Affairs Minister, declared Sweden would pursue a feminist foreign policy. UN Photo/ Jean-Marc Ferré

We are still looking forward to seeing the feminist foreign policy enfold into more concrete action, such as in the coming new Swedish National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security as well as in the coming new policy framework for Sweden’s development cooperation. WILPF Sweden is advocating for conflict prevention to be given a central role in these policies, with priority for measures that address the root causes of violence and conflict. We have yet to see Sweden clearly recognising the link between disarmament, especially relating to small arms and light weapons, and the women, peace and security agenda.

But the most discussed manifestation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy so far was the decision to not prolong the military cooperation agreement between Sweden and Saudi Arabia. Some media has inaccurately reported this as a decision to stop all arms sales to the Saudi regime, which is simply not true – we will get to this later – but the decision was still a big win for feminists and disarmament advocates. Swedish industry lobbyists pushed very hard for the government to keep the agreement, which has been working as a facilitating element in promoting Swedish arms sales to Saudi Arabia.

As much as it made us proud to have a government that took a stand, it was equally devastating to see the silence and lack of support from other EU states. As the EU recently awarded imprisoned Saudi blogger ‪Raif Badawi with the prestigious Sakharov prize for human rights, they might consider standing up for his extremely difficult, dangerous and courageous fight every day of the week and not just occasionally. It is high time for an EU decision to stop all arms sales to the Saudi regime.

And this brings us to the confusion over the Swedish decision on the military cooperation agreement. As much as Swedish CSOs have celebrated the win we have also been working hard to correct the widely spread misunderstanding that Sweden has stopped all arms sales to the Saudi regime. They have not. Swedish export control is governed by regulations that have not been changed since the early 90s, and they are implemented not by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs but by a government agency. The rules have not changed. Sweden can still continue to sell arms to women’s rights abusers all over the world, as long as regulations remain and are interpreted in a way that benefits the arms industry. There are plenty of undemocratic regimes and other human rights abusers on the buyers list for Swedish arms.

Saudi military
Despite new feminist foreign policy, Swedish government can continue arms sales with Saudi Arabian military. Photo: Omar Chatriwala/ Flickr

There is, however, a slim chance of change through stricter regulations. In 2012, a parliamentary committee was appointed to conduct an overview into Swedish export control regulations with the explicit purpose to sharpen export controls against non-democratic states. Their proposal was introduced a few months ago, and we are now eager to see what the feminist government of Sweden will do with it.

We have been advocating that the committee propose stricter regulations that are de facto binding in their human rights provisions – that is, there should be no room for undefined “security interests” to trump respect for human rights by arming dictatorships and other regimes where there are serious and/or widespread violations of human rights, especially women’s rights. But we are not happy with the proposal. It’s too vague and given our experiences from current regulations, we strongly question that the proposed changes would be able to effectively stop arms transfers to women’s rights abusers.

Now it’s up to the government to take the proposal from the parliamentary committee, with consideration to submissions from CSOs and other groups, and formulate a government proposition for new Swedish regulations on arms sales. You might think a feminist government should be clear in its stand against arming patriarchal dictatorships, but we have every reason to worry. Margot Wallström is from the Social Democratic party which have traditionally been very friendly towards the arms industry, and our Prime Minister Stefan Löfven has not made any promises whatsoever on proposing binding regulations – despite a Social Democratic congress decision to do exactly that.

Now is the time to pressure the Swedish government and remind them of that great feeling – even if it came with its fair share of chaos – when the decision to not prolong the deal with the Saudi regime was made public. Sweden can write history by choosing to invest money and political capital into something more sustainable and much more feminist than holding a national arms industry under its arms. Never have the evidence against arming human rights abusers been clearer than they are today, and never before did a government declare itself to be fully feminist. This is the time to put action behind words and change the game.

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Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

Berit Aasen

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.

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Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

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Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

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Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

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In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.