[WCUSP] Azmi Bishara: Why Israel Is After Me (LA Times)
KATHARLOW at aol.com
KATHARLOW at aol.com
Thu May 3 23:34:56 CDT 2007
_http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-bishara3may03,0,2351340.story?coll=
la-opinion-rightrail_
(http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-bishara3may03,0,2351340.story?coll=la-opinion-rightrail)
Why Israel is after me
By Azmi Bishara
AZMI BISHARA was a member of the Knesset until his resignation in April.
May 3, 2007
Amman, Jordan ­ I AM A PALESTINIAN from Nazareth, a citizen of Israel
and was, until last month, a member of the Israeli parliament.
But now, in an ironic twist reminiscent of France's Dreyfus affair ­ in
which a French Jew was accused of disloyalty to the state ­ the
government of Israel is accusing me of aiding the enemy during Israel's failed war
against Lebanon in July.
Israeli police apparently suspect me of passing information to a foreign
agent and of receiving money in return. Under Israeli law, anyone ­ a
journalist or a personal friend ­ can be defined as a "foreign agent" by the
Israeli security apparatus. Such charges can lead to life imprisonment or even
the death penalty.
The allegations are ridiculous. Needless to say, Hezbollah ­ Israel's
enemy in Lebanon ­ has independently gathered more security information
about Israel than any Arab Knesset member could possibly provide. What's more,
unlike those in Israel's parliament who have been involved in acts of
violence, I have never used violence or participated in wars. My instruments of
persuasion, in contrast, are simply words in books, articles and speeches.
These trumped-up charges, which I firmly reject and deny, are only the
latest in a series of attempts to silence me and others involved in the struggle
of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel to live in a state of all its
citizens, not one that grants rights and privileges to Jews that it denies to
non-Jews.
When Israel was established in 1948, more than 700,000 Palestinians were
expelled or fled in fear. My family was among the minority that escaped that
fate, remaining instead on the land where we had long lived. The Israeli state,
established exclusively for Jews, embarked immediately on transforming us
into foreigners in our own country.
For the first 18 years of Israeli statehood, we, as Israeli citizens, lived
under military rule with pass laws that controlled our every movement. We
watched Jewish Israeli towns spring up over destroyed Palestinian villages.
Today we make up 20% of Israel's population. We do not drink at separate
water fountains or sit at the back of the bus. We vote and can serve in the
parliament. But we face legal, institutional and informal discrimination in all
spheres of life.
More than 20 Israeli laws explicitly privilege Jews over non-Jews. The Law
of Return, for example, grants automatic citizenship to Jews from anywhere in
the world. Yet Palestinian refugees are denied the right to return to the
country they were forced to leave in 1948. The Basic Law of Human Dignity and
Liberty ­ Israel's "Bill of Rights" ­ defines the state as "Jewish"
rather than a state for all its citizens. Thus Israel is more for Jews living in
Los Angeles or Paris than it is for native Palestinians.
Israel acknowledges itself to be a state of one particular religious group.
Anyone committed to democracy will readily admit that equal citizenship
cannot exist under such conditions.
Most of our children attend schools that are separate but unequal. According
to recent polls, two-thirds of Israeli Jews would refuse to live next to an
Arab and nearly half would not allow a Palestinian into their home.
I have certainly ruffled feathers in Israel. In addition to speaking out on
the subjects above, I have also asserted the right of the Lebanese people,
and of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, to resist Israel's illegal
military occupation. I do not see those who fight for freedom as my enemies.
This may discomfort Jewish Israelis, but they cannot deny us our history and
identity any more than we can negate the ties that bind them to world Jewry.
After all, it is not we, but Israeli Jews who immigrated to this land.
Immigrants might be asked to give up their former identity in exchange for equal
citizenship, but we are not immigrants.
During my years in the Knesset, the attorney general indicted me for voicing
my political opinions (the charges were dropped), lobbied to have my
parliamentary immunity revoked and sought unsuccessfully to disqualify my political
party from participating in elections ­ all because I believe Israel
should be a state for all its citizens and because I have spoken out against
Israeli military occupation. Last year, Cabinet member Avigdor Lieberman ­ an
immigrant from Moldova ­ declared that Palestinian citizens of Israel
"have no place here," that we should "take our bundles and get lost." After I
met with a leader of the Palestinian Authority from Hamas, Lieberman called
for my execution.
The Israeli authorities are trying to intimidate not just me but all
Palestinian citizens of Israel. But we will not be intimidated. We will not bow to
permanent servitude in the land of our ancestors or to being severed from our
natural connections to the Arab world. Our community leaders joined together
recently to issue a blueprint for a state free of ethnic and religious
discrimination in all spheres. If we turn back from our path to freedom now, we
will consign future generations to the discrimination we have faced for six
decades.
Americans know from their own history of institutional discrimination the
tactics that have been used against civil rights leaders. These include
telephone bugging, police surveillance, political delegitimization and
criminalization of dissent through false accusations. Israel is continuing to use these
tactics at a time when the world no longer tolerates such practices as
compatible with democracy.
Why then does the U.S. government continue to fully support a country whose
very identity and institutions are based on ethnic and religious
discrimination that victimize its own citizens?
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