[WCUSP] 40 Bad Years
KATHARLOW at aol.com
KATHARLOW at aol.com
Sun Jun 10 00:47:59 CDT 2007
40 Bad Years
by Uri Avnery
9.6.07
www.gush-shalom.org
http://www.avnery-news.co.il/english/index.html
"REST HAS come to the tired
Repose to the toiler
A pale night covers
The fields of the Jezreel valley
Dew below and moon above
(From Kibbutz Bet-Alfa to Moshav Nahalal..."
This is what we sang when we were young. Now it is a TV
nostalgia show, youngsters of the 50s singing pioneer
songs.
The thoughts wander. Who were the pioneers, the first
to sing these songs?
They came from rich homes in St. Petersburg, from some
shtetl in Galicia, sons and daughters of university
professors in Germany. They could have sailed to
America, like most migrants at that time. But they were
attracted to a remote eastern country, to a great
national adventure. They lived in abject poverty, doing
hard labor in the merciless sun that they were not
accustomed to, and dreamed about a perfect human
society.
They were real idealists. It did not occur to them that
they were hurting human beings of another people. The
Arabs were to them a part of the romantic landscape.
They believed in all innocence that they were bringing
blessings and progress to all inhabitants of the
country.
As seen from today, four or five generations later,
they look quite different. Their innocence is
forgotten. It looks to many like rank hypocrisy, a
cover for robbery and oppression.
That is one of the results of 40 years of occupation.
The current settlers claim to be the successors of
those pioneers of the 20s and 30s. They say that they
are today's pioneers. These violent, thieving thugs
really expect us to view the pioneers of old as their
spiritual forebears.
When we add up all the damage that the occupation has
done to us - to us too, and not only to the direct
victims, the inhabitants of the occupied territories -
let's not forget this. The occupation poisons the
national memory. It soils not only the present, but
also the past, not only in the eyes of the world, but
also in our own eyes.
IT IS enough to see what the occupation has done to the
Jewish religion.
In my childhood I was taught at home that Judaism was a
humane religion, a "light unto the Gentiles". Judaism
means to loathe violence, to value the spiritual above
the powerful, to turn an enemy into a friend. A Jew is
allowed to defend himself - "If somebody comes to kill
you, kill him first", as the Talmudic injunction goes -
but not as a lover of violence and the intoxication of
power.
What has remained of that?
Concerned friends recently e-mailed me some hair-
raising quotes from a statement by Rabbi Mordechai
Eliyahu, former Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel and the
spiritual leader of the settlers and the entire
religious Zionist camp. In a letter to the Prime
Minister, the rabbi decreed that it is impermissible to
have compassion with the civilian population of Gaza if
that imperils Israeli soldiers. His son, Shmuel,
interpreted this decree on behalf of his father: if the
killing of 100 Arabs is not sufficient to stop the
launching of Qassam rockets at Israel, then 1000 must
be killed. And if that is not sufficient, then 10,000,
and 100,000 and even a million. All this to stop the
Qassams, which in all the years have not succeeded in
killing a dozen Jews.
What is the connection between this "religious" view
and the God who (in Genesis 18) promised not to destroy
Sodom if 10 righteous people could be found there?
What is the difference between this moral perception
and that of the Nazis who executed 10 hostages for
every German soldier killed by the resistance?
The rabbi's decree did not arouse any reaction. There
was no outcry, neither from his flock nor from the
general public. The number of rabbis who publicly
support such methods has risen to the hundreds. Most of
them come from the settlements. This is a "religious"
outlook that grew up in the poisoned atmosphere of the
occupation, a religion of occupation. It shames the
Jewish religion, present and past.
No wonder that a person with a strong religious
conscience, Avraham Burg, former Speaker of the Knesset
and Head of the Jewish Agency, this week renounced
Zionism and demanded to abolish the definition of
Israel as a Jewish State.
IT IS no longer anything new to point out that the
occupation is destroying the Israeli army.
An army cannot fulfill its mission to defend the state
against potential enemies when it has been engaged for
decades as a colonial police force. One can give
attractive names to a death-squad - Team Mango or Unit
Peach - but it remains what it is: an instrument of
brutal killing and oppression.
An officer who today plans the Mafia-style killing of a
"senior militant" by an undercover action in the Kasbah
of Nablus, will not be able tomorrow to lead a tank
battalion against a sophisticated enemy. An army that
shoots stone-throwers, chases children in the alleys of
Balata refugee camp or drops a one-ton bomb on a
residential building cannot turn overnight into an
efficient force on a modern battlefield in a war of
last resort.
No need to read this in the Winograd committee's
report. It is enough to compare the commanders of 1967
- people like Yitzhak Rabin, Israel Tal, Ezer Weitzman,
Dado Elazar and Matti Peled - with the corresponding
figures of today. After 40 years of doing a
contemptible job against a defenseless people, the army
no longer attracts young people distinguished by
original thinking and high motivation, by daring and
resourcefulness. It attracts the mediocre of the
mediocre.
In the Six-day War we had a small, sophisticated army
that defended the state from within the Green Line,
once described by Abba Eban as the "Auschwitz borders".
This army needed hardly six days to overcome four
opposing armies. Since then, after the territory was
enlarged and ideal "security borders" were achieved,
the army has become much bigger and its budget many
times more bloated. The results could be seen in the
Second Lebanon War.
>From a military point of view, the occupation is a
grave threat to the security of the state.
THAT LEAVES the Supreme Court. Opinion polls have shown
that the public derides the Knesset and scorns the
government, but respects the Supreme Court as a bastion
of democracy and a source of pride.
Lately, it is becoming apparent that there was no solid
basis for this. A moment after Chief Justice Aharon
Barak retired from the Court, the entire judicial
system started sinking into a morass of intrigues,
mutual accusations and even slander. Not only in
anonymous internet blogs, but also in the statements of
the new Minister of Justice, the appointee of a Prime
Minister dogged by personal corruption scandals.
How has this happened?
For many years now, the court has lived in a world of
illusion. The judges have closed their eyes to their
own doings. While believing that they are a pillar of
liberalism and democracy, they have allowed extra-
judicial executions. They have closed their eyes while
torture has become routine. They have created mountains
of sophistry arguing that the monstrous Wall is
essential to security, trying to obscure the obvious
fact that its main aim is the grabbing of land for the
settlements.
When the International Court published its simple,
clear and indisputable opinion that the Wall violates
international law and several conventions which have
been signed by Israel too, our Supreme Court just
disregarded it.
A court that lies to itself in one sector cannot
maintain its integrity in another. The "bastion of
democracy" has been undermined, and may collapse
entirely.
In the meantime, the book of laws is besmirched with
racist legislation - from the law that prevents Israeli
citizens from living in Israel with Palestinian
spouses, to the bill which received this week primary
approval in the Knesset, and which allows 80 members of
the Knesset to expulse a Knesset member for voicing,
both in the Knesset or outside, criticism of cabinet
ministers or senior army commanders.
IT CANNOT be denied: 40 years of occupation have
changed the State of Israel beyond recognition.
That is obvious in all spheres of life. All of them
have been contaminated.
18-year old youngsters, most of who have been brought
up by decent parents as moral human beings, are drafted
into the army, enter the brutal subculture of their
units and receive an indoctrination that justifies
every act of brutality against Arabs. Only a few rare
individuals are able to withstand the pressure. After
three years, the majority leave the army as tough men
with blunted sensibilities. The brutality in our
streets, the routine killings around the discotheques,
the proliferation of rape and violence within the
family - all these have undoubtedly been influenced by
the day-to-day reality of the occupation. After all,
it's the same people who are doing it.
A policeman who is sent to Hebron and the Hawara
checkpoint, who treats the inhabitants there as
inferior creatures, who acts sadistically or condones
the sadism of his comrades - will he turn into a
different person when he returns the next day to Tel
Aviv, Haifa or Shefa-Amr? Will he wake up the next
morning, miraculously, as a devoted servant of his
fellow-citizens in a democratic society?
For years now, the security services, the police and
the army have been lying about events in the occupied
territories. Lying has become routine. Few journalists
in the world now accept these statements
unquestioningly. And when lying becomes the norm in one
sector, the mendacity doesn't stop there. The liars of
the army, the police and the other services have gotten
used to lying about other matters, too.
In the "territories", corruption has a ball. Military
government officers take off their uniforms and get
involved in shady businesses. Capitalist barons also
profit from connections with them. Of course, this is
not the only source of the corruption that has become a
bane of the state, but it is surely a contributing
factor.
THE OCCUPATION causes rot, which then penetrates all
the pores of the national organism.
After 40 years, there is little similarity between the
State of Israel as it is today and the state that the
founders saw in their mind's eye: a model of social
justice, equality and peace. The founders dreamed about
a modern, enlightened, secular, liberal, socially
progressive society with a flourishing economy
benefiting all. Reality, as we known, has turned out
very, very different.
True, the occupation cannot be blamed for everything.
Before 1967, too, the young state was far from perfect.
But the public felt then that this was a temporary
situation. Things could be corrected and improved. When
the Israeli republic turned into a nascent Israeli
empire, the dramatic deterioration started.
AT THE end of the Six-Day War, the entire world saluted
us. Little, brave David had won against Goliath. Now it
is we who are seen as a heartless, brutal Goliath.
The boycott against Israel announced by several foreign
organizations must turn on a red light. In the
Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson wrote
that every nation must behave with "a decent respect
for the opinion of mankind". That was not only a matter
of ethics but also of practical common sense. For us to
maintain an occupation that violates international law
is spitting in the eye of enlightened humanity.
Israel arouses different expectations than the Congo or
Sudan. But for years now, hundreds of millions of
people see it almost daily in the form of occupation
soldiers, armed to the teeth, abusing a helpless
population. The accumulating effect is becoming clear
now.
One can treat the opinion of mankind with disdain, in
the spirit of Stalin's question "How many divisions
does the Pope have?" But that is stupid. International
opinion can express itself in a thousand different
ways. It influences the policy of governments and civil
society. The attempts at boycott are only an early
symptom.
But beyond all the bad things the occupation has
brought upon Israel, inside and outside, there is
something that concerns each of us. Every human being
wants to be proud of his country. The occupation
deprives us of this.
ON THE 40th anniversary of the occupation of East
Jerusalem, a foreign TV station wanted to interview me
in the Muslim quarter of the Old City. We walked in the
Via Dolorosa, the Way of the Cross. The street was
almost empty. The owners of the shops offering
antiques, precious carpets and souvenirs stood in their
doorways, radiating despair, and tried to lure us in.
>From time to time, small groups of tourists went past.
Each group was accompanied by four security guards in
white overalls, two in front and two behind. Every one
of them was holding in his hand a loaded pistol, ready
to open fire within a split second. That's how they
walked in the street.
That is the reality of "Jerusalem Reunited and
Indivisible, the Capital of Israel for All Eternity",
as the official slogan goes, 40 years after its
"liberation".
[Israeli activist, journalist, and former member of
Israel’s Knesset who founded Gush Shalom (Peace Bloc),
one of Israel’s most influential peace organizations.
Uri Avnery, tireless activist, legislator, and
journalist, was born in Beckum, Germany, in 1923 and
immigrated to Palestine at the age of ten with his
family. Avnery was one of the first Israelis to
establish contacts with PLO representatives. In 1993,
together with his wife Rachel, he founded Gush Shalom
(Peace Bloc), one of Israel’s most influential peace
organizations.
In 1938, Avnery joined the Irgun underground in order
to take part in the fight against British colonialism.
He became disillusioned with the group’s tactics and
left it in 1942 in opposition to terrorism and anti-
Arab ideology. He also served as an Israeli Defense
Force commando in the 1948 war.]
GUSH SHALOM p.o.b. 3322 Tel Aviv 61033
info at gush-shalom.org For information, write to
www.gush-shalom.org
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